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Philippines Presidential Race: Marcos and the Specter of Martial Law

With Bongbong entering the race, and the Dutertes floating around the edges, the Philippine presidential election is stirring up dark memories.

Philippines Presidential Race: Marcos and the Specter of Martial Law

Former senator Ferdinand "Bongbong" Marcos Jr. poses after filing his document of candidacy for side by side yr's presidential elections with the Commission on Elections at the Sofitel Harbor Garden Tent in Manila, Philippines Wednesday, October 6, 2021.

Credit: Rouelle Umali/Pool Photograph via AP

Most would hold that the martial law menstruation in the Philippines from 1972 to 1986 was a dark time, marred by violence, the suspension of basic civil liberties, and unparalleled thievery by those in power. Erstwhile dictator Ferdinand Marcos is long gone now; after being deposed by a popular uprising in 1986 he died in exile in Honolulu in 1989. Simply his feats and his retentivity go on to polarize Philippine politics almost every bit much as when he was in power.

Marcos' son, Ferdinand Marcos Jr., amend known every bit "Bongbong," officially appear his candidacy for the upcoming May 2022 presidential ballot October v with articulate intentions to revitalize his father's legacy. About half a century since military rule was declared, the Philippines may yet see its instigators ascent to power once more. In his announcement, the dictator'southward son spoke of bringing back "unifying leadership" to the country, perhaps alluding to his father's rule, when all were united under the whim of one homo.

While the sins of the father exercise not always mean the son is to blame, Bongbong has made it articulate to the public many times that he sees the martial police force menstruum every bit a positive contribution to the trajectory of Philippine society. On a popular talk show final calendar month, Marcos told the host that his male parent's tenure carried the Philippines into "the modern world." The Tv advent was ane of many increasingly loftier-profile stunts designed to constitute Bongbong in the public consciousness. Subsequently in the month, he was nominated as the standard-bearer for the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (Movement for a New Lodge), a political political party founded past his father.

Bongbong's popularity has steadily grown aslope the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte. It helps that the latter mimics the authoritarianism of the quondam'due south male parent and has amassed many comparisons with the dictator. Duterte and the Marcoses generally have stiff political ties between them. The family unit has made favorable comments toward Duterte even during the early on days of his bid for office. Duterte granted Ferdinand Marcos a hero'due south burying in Manila in 2016, 27 years after his death and 23 years after his body was brought back to the Philippines. Marcos had been the only president denied such an honor.

Like Father, Like Son?

Bongbong Marcos idolizes his father. At the top of the family's far-reaching powers in the mid-1980s, Bongbong served as vice governor, and and so governor of their habitation province, Ilocos Norte. He was besides appointed board chairman of the Philippine Communications and Satellite Corporation. He was in his 20s at the fourth dimension, and while there has never been any chiselled or damning evidence as to his role in the regime's abuse, equally part of the family unit's inner circle, it's a safe assumption that he benefited. His mother, Imelda Marcos, was convicted of seven counts of graft in 2018.

The Marcoses accumulated effectually $658 1000000 during their time in power, according to Supreme Court findings in 2003. There were over 3,200 casualties of the Marcos government, while over seventy,000 dissidents were thrown in jail during Marcos' reign. The family continues to deny whatsoever wrongdoing. The Marcoses and their critics accuse each other of historical revisionism.

Bongbong's assuming claims about his male parent ushering in modernity is the kind of rhetoric that speaks to a specific set of voters. Information technology sparks debate on whether or non the Philippines was really economically well off during the Marcos menstruation and, for those who await back with warm nostalgia, information technology persuades some to call back that a caste of violation of human rights may be necessary to achieve progress. This is a narrative not unlike those peddled by many of Duterte's supporters.

In truth, nevertheless, the Philippine GDP dropped dramatically in the terminal ii years of Marcos' term. Several pet infrastructure projects were abandoned, such as the Bataan Nuclear Power Plant. Moreover, the debt accumulated during the Marcos period, eventually totaling 470 billion Philippine pesos, 4 times larger than the unabridged national budget during the last yr of his dominion. The economy was driven to slaughterhouse and the plundering didn't cease, only helped along with the collapse.

Bongbong has more than but defended his father'southward legacy, just congenital his career on a desire to repeat it. Both male parent and son were congressmen, then senators, before running for the top post in the country. If Bongbong'southward recent public appearances are to any indication, his electric current platform is i of returning the Philippines to an illusion of its former glories. In a sense, his balloter pitch is "Brand the Philippines Great Once more."

Never Once more

Opposition forces are wary of a Duterte-Marcos tandem for the upcoming election, whatever shape or grade that may take: Bongbong with a Duterte as his running mate, or even the two camps mutually supporting each other'due south efforts. At the moment, the mural of presidential candidates is still unpredictable, with the president himself making surprise turns left and right. Start, Duterte said he'd make a run for the vice presidential spot,which in the Philippines is elected separately from the president, retaining his presence in the executive suite like Marcos did. Next, he said he's retiring from politics, and his ally and long-time adjutant, Christopher "Bong" Go, volition accept his place. In a argument, Get said "I intend to go on the peachy programs and genuine change that began with President Duterte." Sara Duterte, the president'south daughter and electric current mayor of  Davao City, could exist Go'south running mate.

It'southward all yet up in the air.

Both Become and Sara share the aforementioned political drive of the elder Duterte to round up and eliminate all of their political rivals while beefing upwards the presence of the military machine in the process.

Renato Reyes Jr., secretarial assistant full general of the broad opposition umbrella group Bayan (People), said, "The Duterte-Marcos tandem is the gravest, almost unsafe threat to the democratic aspirations of the Filipino people. It is intended to encompass-up systemic plunder and legitimize gross human rights violations. We cannot let it succeed. Nosotros must practise all nosotros can to prevent this tandem-of-doom from happening. All democratic forces must come together and exert the greatest try to prevent a Duterte dynasty or a Marcos restoration in Malacanang Palace. This has become a matter of national survival."

Whatever the combination, the prospect of both Bongbong and a Duterte-backed candidate making a dash to lord over the country for the next six years can take terrifying consequences for the Philippines. Either the state is thrust into an unwanted martial police force throwback, or it faces more of the same creeping authoritarianism, which at present isn't far off from all-out state dominion.